Tuesday, July 31, 2012

Japanese interest in Russian radio-teletype, radio-fax and radio-telephone communications

Another aspect of the ‘Russian Fish’ story is available from a decoded Japanese message.

This message from 1943 shows that the Japanese signal intelligence agency was interested in the use of radio-teletype, radio-fax and radio-telephone by the Soviet Union.

The military attaché in Bucharest was ordered to investigate the interception of these kinds of traffic in Axis countries.



Some of his findings are mentioned in later messages.








Source: HW 40/29 ‘Exploitation of Russian Civil communications by Axis Powers’

Friday, July 27, 2012

Japanese codebreakers of WWII


Japan had two separate codebreaking services during WWII. One under the Army, the other under the Navy. Due to the hostility that existed between the Army and the Navy these departments did not cooperate but instead often attacked the same problems independently.

Details of their successes against enemy codes have been hard to find because after Japan’s surrender, in September 1945, they had time to destroy their records and disperse their personnel. Still the few remaining documents in Japan combined with decoded Japanese messages found in the British archives can provide a basis for assessing their operations during the war.



Japanese army agency

The beginnings of a centralized army cryptologic service date back to 1921 when a study group comprised of Army, Foreign Ministry and Ministry of communications cipher specialists was formed to work towards the solution of US and British codes.

In 1922 the Japanese were involved in negotiations with the Soviet Union regarding their forces in Siberia. At that time the crypto service was successful in solving the code of the Soviet delegation. This success proved the importance of codebreaking and more resources were assigned to that department.

Foreign assistance was obtained from the Polish cryptologic service which had an excellent record versus Soviet codes. Captain Kowalewski of the Polish army was invited to Tokyo in 1923 and a small group of Japanese officers were sent to Poland to study.

It was this group that formed the basis of the Army’s codebreaking department. By 1936 this department (which often changed designation) had 135 people.

The main effort of the army agency was against Soviet and Chinese codes. This made sense as army units were fighting against the Chinese army and there were a series of border engagements with the Soviet armed forces in Manchuria.

Chinese Kuomintang military and diplomatic codes were solved and they gave the Japanese valuable intelligence on upcoming operations and diplomatic initiatives. For example the movement of 54 Chinese divisions in 1940 was detected and followed by solving the Chinese army’s 4-figure code Mi-ma.

At the same time the solution of Soviet military and NKVD border unit codes allowed the Japanese to keep a close eye on Soviet dispositions, training and supply in the East. Codebreaking gave them an advantage prior to the Battle of Lake Khasan.

The Japanese were helped in their efforts through black bag operations.

In the late 1930’s the US diplomatic codes Brown and M-138-A strip were copied by a unit of the Military police.

British diplomatic codes Cypher M, Interdepartmental and R code were also physically compromised. The Interdepartmental cypher provided valuable intelligence on the state of British defenses in Malaya.

During WWII Army codebreakers were forced to devote resources to the codes of the United States. Apart from low level codes the M-209 cipher machine was successfully analyzed and decoded in late 1944. Bombing missions of the B-29’s were betrayed through their use of the M-209.

In 1944 a major effort was made to improve performance by recruiting university students from mathematics and foreign language departments. Also in the same period IBM punch card equipment was used for cryptanalysis. These efforts came too late to have an impact on the war situation but they show that the Japanese leadership understood the value of secret intelligence.

Japanese navy agency

The Japanese navy’s signal intelligence agency was older than the army’s and its beginnings dated back to the Russo-Japanese war of 1905. A centralized codebreaking department was formed in 1929 to attack US and British communications.

The navy’s efforts were directed mainly against the United States. The naval codebreakers were able to decode the US diplomatic codes Gray and Brown but unlike their army counterparts they could not solve the high level M-138-A.

Against British diplomatic codes they had very limited success.

By reading the Anglo-American diplomatic codes they could see the rising tension in the relations between Japan and the US in the 1930’s.

In order to keep an eye on US fleet movements several monitoring stations were operated prior and during the war. An interesting case was the undercover L agency. In 1938 a small unit called the ‘L Agency’ (L-Kikan) was established in Mexico to monitor US Fleet traffic in the Atlantic and also the commercial RCA radio from New York City.

During the Pacific war most US military codes proved secure. There was only limited success with the US Navy’s CSP-642 strip cipher. However the codes used by merchant ships had been received from the Germans and their enciphering tables were solved in Japan.

The Japanese were able to track the movement and concentrations of commercial ships and thus anticipate major allied operations by reading the Merchant Navy Codes. They also came to rely more and more on D/F and traffic analysis for tracking enemy fleet movements.

Against Soviet codes they were able to solve the diplomatic system used in the Far East and the code used by Soviet Merchant Navy ships in Kamchatka and Vladivostok.

In general the performance of the Naval codebreakers versus enemy codes was not as successful as that of their Army counterparts.

Japanese Radio security services

The identification of agents’ radio transmissions and their location through direction finding was the job of specialized radio security units.

In Japan there were two agencies that carried out this mission. One was the Science group of the War Ministry’s Investigation department - Otsu-han. The other was a similar department of the military police Kenpei-Tai.

There were also radio security units with the Japanese armies in China.

The military police of the Kwantung Army had a D/F group called ‘Unit 86’.

The military police of the Expeditionary army to China had a similar group named ‘6th Section’. This group was able to locate Soviet radio spies in Shanghai during the war.

Cooperation with foreign powers

An important aspect of the Japanese approach to intelligence was their effort to cooperate with other countries. They were able to gain allies in two ways. One was by offering stolen enemy codes. The other was by spending lots of money.

During WWII the Japanese had huge sums of money available for intelligence operations. German intelligence officers commended on the ease with which their Japanese counterparts could acquire and spend large funds.

Cooperation with the Germans

A Japanese mission headed by Colonel Tahei Hayashi, former head of the Army’s cryptologic agency visited Germany in 1941 and exchanged US and British codes with systems solved by the Germans.

This promising start did not lead to closer cooperation as communications between Japan and Germany were problematic. Moreover the Germans did not trust the Japanese with their most recent codebreaking successes. Things changed in summer ’44, when under Hitler’s order several high level systems (including the latest strips for the M-138-A cipher) were given to the Japanese.

In November 1940 there was also the Automedon incident. A party from the German auxiliary cruiser Atlantis boarded the British SS Automedon and captured top secret documents. Among them was a copy of the British War Cabinet minutes of August 1940. These files gave a summary of the British Far Eastern strategy and admitted that Thailand and Hong Kong were indefensible. They also indicated that Britain would not go to war with Japan over the fate of French Indochina.

These documents were given to the Japanese and allowed them to correctly assess the weakness of the British in the Far East. The captain of Atlantis, Bernhard Rogge, was given a samurai sword for this success!

Cooperation with the Finnish cryptologic service

Major Eiichi Hirose was sent to Finland to exchange results with their codebreakers. Also General Makoto Onodera who was military attaché in Stockholm financed the Finnish crypto service in exchange for copies of their work.

The Finnish codebreakers were successful in solving several Soviet and US State department codes (especially the M-138-A strip). These were passed on to the Japanese.

Cooperation with the Hungarians

Lieutenant Colonel Shinta Sakurai was sent to Hungary to cooperate with that country’s crypto service.

Use of Polish codebreakers

Cooperation between Japan and Poland in the cryptologic field dated back to the 1920’s. After the fall of Poland some Polish exiles were employed by the Japanese at the attaché office in Rumania, where they worked on Soviet codes.

Overview of major codebreaking successes

Soviet codes

The Soviet diplomatic code used in the East by consulates/embassies in Seoul, Dairen, Australia, Harbin, Hakodate in their communications with Moscow and Vladivostok was read by the Japanese from 1943. This was not the OTP but a simpler system.



Several military and NKVD border guard figure codes were read (OKK, OK40, PK1), thanks in part to Finnish and German help.

The code of the Soviet Merchant Navy used in the coastal areas of Kamchatka was read. Messages of Soviet Merchant Navy ships operating from Vladivostok were read.

US codes

The American M-209 cipher machine was ‘solved’ in 1944 and messages read. Some of them referred to operations of the American B-29 bombers.

The Merchant Navy Code and the Merchant Ships Code were received from the Germans and the enciphering tables broken. These were used from 1940 till the end of the war. By reading these codes the Japanese were able to identify the concentration of shipping in specific areas and deduce that major Allied operations would follow.

State Department codes Gray, Brown, A1 and M-138-A were read by the Japanese with varying degrees of success. All these systems had been physically compromised. Success with the high level M-138-A depended on help from the Finns and the Germans.

British codes

Cypher M, Interdepartmental cypher and R code were physically compromised. The British Interdepartmental cypher provided intelligence for the Malaya campaign.

Chinese codes

Chinese Kuomintang military and diplomatic codes were read throughout the war.

The code of the Chinese Communist party was read at times and provided advance knowledge for a number of communist offensives.

Sources: Japanese Intelligence in World War II by Ken Kotani, ‘Combined Fleet Decoded’, HW 40/29 ‘Exploitation of Russian Civil communications by Axis Powers’, HW 40/75 ‘Enemy exploitation of Foreign Office codes and cyphers: miscellaneous reports and correspondence’, HW 40/85 ‘Exploitation of British Inter-Departmental cypher’, DF-187D ‘Relations of OKW/Chi with foreign cryptologic bureaus’, DF-187FRemarks made by Ministerialrat Fenner in reply to certain questions of a general nature’, ‘Hitler's Last Chief of Foreign Intelligence. Allied Interrogations of Walter Schellenberg’, HW 40/7 ‘German Naval Intelligence successes against Allied cyphers, prefixed by a general survey of German Sigint’, ‘The codebreakers’

Acknowledgments: I have to thank mr Ken Kotani for answering my questions on WWII Japanese cryptologic history.

Wednesday, July 25, 2012

Update

Time for some new TICOM reports.

I-18 ‘Interrogations of Oberst Muegge, O.C. of NA 4 and NA 7 of German Army Sigint Service’ - 1945

I-68  ‘Consolidated Report Based on Two Interrogations of Oberst Randewig, of Hoeh. Wehrmachts Nafue z.b.V. 700 carried out at CSDIC on approx. 1 Aug. and 10 Aug. 1945’

I-75 ‘Interrogation Reports  on German Field Sigint Personnel carried out at BUFFER - Ltn. August Schroeder, Ltn. Starke, Obefr. Heudorf, and Hptm. Holetzke’ - 1945

I-111 ‘Further Interrogation of Oberstlt. Mettig of OKW/Chi on 14th September 1945’

I-121 ‘Translation of Homework by Obltn  W. Werther, Company Commander of 7/LN  Rgt  353, written on 12th August 1945 at A.D.I.(K)’ - 1945

All available either through my Google docs folder or my scribd account.

Monday, July 23, 2012

The Slidex code

In the construction and use of tactical cryptologic systems there are two conflicting requirements. One is security and the other is ease of use. If a system is highly secure but hard and time consuming to use then important messages might be secure from cryptanalysis but they could arrive too late, with disastrous consequences. On the other hand if a system is extremely easy to use but insecure then the messages will get through on time but the enemy will also be able to read them.

In the last years of WWII the British and American militaries used extensively the Slidex code which, unfortunately for them, belonged in the second category. It was easy to use and well liked by troops but its security was illusory!

Slidex consisted of two parts. A card with 12 columns and 17 rows producing 204 rectangles and two coordinates strips, one vertical strip on the left and one horizontal strip on the top. The card and the coordinates strips were placed in a metal frame.



Note that the pic from cryptomuseum lacks the coordinates strips.

The rectangles on the coordinates strips had a random letter, so that each word could be represented by a bigram.

Each rectangle on the Slidex card had a word or phrase on it plus a letter or number. The words or phrases were those most likely to be used by military units, for example DIVISION, ARTILLERY, ATTACK, AT ONCE etc.

What happened if one wanted to send a word that was not on the Slidex rectangles?  In order to allow for that eventuality the same rectangles had numbers or letters printed on them. This allowed the operator to spell words that were not included in the Slidex card, or include numbers.

In order to do so he had to use one of the SWITCH ON rectangles (there were several). After that he could use the letters or numbers in the rectangles and then end this part with one of the SWITCH OFF rectangles.

Each card was valid for a specific period of time, from several days to a month. The coordinates strips changed daily. [Sources: EASI vol4, p149 and vol5, p83, The Slidex R/T code]

Slidex was used extensively by the Anglo-American armed forces from operation Overlord till the end of the war. Usually it carried low and mid level traffic (up to division) however it was sometimes used for higher level messages.

Its main advantage was that it was easy to use by fighting troops.

German success with Slidex

Unfortunately for the Allies that ease came at the expense of security. German codebreakers found it easy to reconstruct the Slidex tables. In fact all the post-war interrogation reports agree that it was one of the easiest Allied systems in the period 1944-45 (although they probably refer to all the Allied table substitution type codes).

German success with Slidex started in late ’43 – early ‘44 during the Allied pre-invasion training exercises. The training traffic was successfully solved and this effort allowed the German forward units in France to familiarize themselves with this traffic and successfully solve the operational messages, after the Allied landings.

Since Slidex was used extensively by both British and American ground-troops and their airforces it gave the Germans good intelligence on tactical operations and especially requests for air support. This allowed them to quickly notify the endangered units and minimise losses.

Their efforts were assisted by a blunder on the part of the Allied cryptologic authorities. The code was supposed to be used only on the parts of the message that could be of value to the enemy and not the whole message! This meant that messages were a mixture of encoded and plaintext words. Obviously this made it much easier for the Germans to guess the meaning of the encoded words.

American dissatisfaction with the Slidex’s poor security led on January 6, 1945, the Signal Division to recommend that Slidex be replaced within the U.S. forces. [Source: The Slidex R/T code]

Battle of the Bulge

After D-day, Slidex was used by the American Army. When the Germans found that the American Military Police were using Slidex to report all Army units which passed their control points, the deciphering of Slidex was given high priority. [Source: EASI vol4, p150]

David Kahn mentions the importance of Military Police traffic for German planning of the Battle of the Bulge. From The German Comint Organization in World War II’, p8

One of the most valuable operational results of signal intelligence in the west came during the Battle of the Bulge.

After Hitler had struck in the Ardennes in December 1944, the Americans brought up troops to push the German back. The military police battalion in the U.S. 1st Army zone controlled much of this traffic, which moved according to itineraries fixed by higher authority. The Germans soon discovered that the battalion broadcast these itineraries in cipher to all its control points-the Germans knew of 35 of these and located 22, many at the intersection of two French national highways. The messages gave the name of the unit, its time and place of departure, route, average speed, numbers of vehicles and of march blocks, and destination and time of arrival. The radio reconnaissance unit estimated that it intercepted about 90 percent of these broadcasts and so ascertained almost 100 percent of all units with itineraries. Those without itineraries and those going around this area were not spotted, it said. This gave the German command on the western front an accurate picture of which enemy forces were coming up and where, enabling General Hasso von Manteuffel to shift his 5th Panzer Army and so sidestep the Allied blow

It seems to me that this MP code must have been the Slidex. This event shows that even the compromise of low/mid level codes can sometimes have strategic consequences.

Primary sources:

Time to take a look at some TICOM reports.

From ‘German analysis  of converter M-209 - POW Interrogations’, p1

Included in this training was a system indexed as EC-5 (English Code No. 5) his system was later referred to as the SLIDEX and was assumed to be a rectangle 9x12 upon which code values were written in cells located through diagraphic coordinates applied first at the top and then at the bottom. The "Slidex" was easily and regularly solved. ‘G’ felt that this yielded a considerable amount of valuable intelligence particularly as to bombing and artillery objectives.

From CSDIC/CMF/Y 40 - 'First Detailed Interrogation on Report on Barthel Thomas’, p3

III. The SLIDEX

This was worked on since May 44. It was developed from the early EC 5. It was a far better system especially as it enabled three variants for clear text (DREIFACHE BUCHSTABENBELEGUNG) and ‘double-variants’ for clear SWITCH-ON and SWITCH-OFF. At the same time, the variable cursor system often resulted in settings which allowed the ‘pairing up’ of messages set on the same lines, or on the same columns. Parts of the cursor-settings could often be reconstructed, even before the text was broken.

(a) The EC 30/3

The SLIDEX referred to by the Germans as the EC 30/3 was reconstructed by 9 Fixed Intercept Sta in May 44. Traffic intercepted had been originated by ALOs links (FLIVONETZE) in UK. Control of these links was always at Corps level and reading of traffic gave an insight into Corps O of B, etc. PW states that traffic was British and not American and that as far as he could make out the ALOs were Army and RAF officers. The Germans were very surprised to see that this field-code, without any alteration whatsoever, was used by the ALOs links on D-day and a good few weeks after 6 Jun 44, allowing the enemy to discover at once the Corps 0 of B, with details down to Bdes. This kind of work was handed over to 5 Intercept HQ at ST GERMAIN at end Jun 44, This unit succeeded in reconstructing several more SLIDEX tables, to which were added captured specimens during summer and autumn.

(b) The EC 30/20 ( S and T)

The SLIDEX called DC 30/20 (S & T) was reconstructed by 7 Intercept HQ. Traffic was originated by supply units of 8 Army. Tactical messages had been read till end Sept ‘44, when they stopped - according to PW - and 4-figure traffic was signaled, which was suspected to be reciphered code, and was not broken.

According to TICOM I-109 ‘Translation of a Report by Lt. Ludwig of Chi Stelle OB.d.L, based on questions set for him at ADI(K)’, p21 decoded SLIDEX messages revealed air support requests and  were immediately passed to the unit concerned in order to take measures against aerial bombardment.

In Page 38 he says:

B. Slidex system.

Bigram substitution System.

In use in the army (front line units) and in air support networks (tentacle networks). The system was known from the monitoring of exercises in Great Britain before the invasion, e.g. "Spartan". The cryptanalytic detachments in army and GAF wore able to get so much experience on these exercises that decoding worked well right at the start of the invasion. Recovery was done in the army again at NAA St 5 in the GAF in 14/3 W control 3. Decoding was often done with so little delay that the messages could be dealt with like clear text in the evaluation. The results were of more importance to the army than to the GAF, but they provided the latter too with valuable indications, e. g. elucidation of the individual corps tentacle networks, reconnaissance operations (c.r. 400 and 414 Squadrons) etc. The messages decoded daily were exchanged between Army and GAF in the form of written reports.

From TICOM I-113 ‘Interrogation of Major Dr. Rudolf  Hentze, Head of Gruppe IV (Cryptanalysis) General der Nachrichtenaufklaerung’, p3

Slidex:

This was extensively read, MP nets in particular being a fertile source of intelligence. British and Americans were equally bad in their use of it, particularly in employing Slidex for messages which should have gone in a more secure system. They were able to break currently and in many cases five or six hours after the start of the day. One of the main aids to entry was the fact that operators used the left-hand alphabet almost exclusively. They were able to break in before the invasion and could hold on, with the help of cribs and stereotyped language, in spite of the improvement in operators' habits after September. Asked for specific cases of "insecure units, P/W quoted the ‘2nd Airborne Division’, 'CCA' and 'CCB' (Note: this looks like a confusion. These are terms used in American Armored divisions: 'the 2nd was in the Northern sector of the American front during the campaign). P/W commented that they were much happier with a message wholly in slidex than with a mixed clear and cipher message, which did not give so many frequencies.

Thursday, July 19, 2012

WWII Myths - T-34 Best Tank of the war

The Soviet T-34 tank is well known by anyone who has an interest in WWII history. Books, articles, documentaries present it in triumphant terms.  It was superior to everything the Germans had, it had revolutionary sloped armor, unprecedented mobility and was one of the reasons the Soviet side won in the Eastern front.

How realistic are these statements? Was the T-34 really a war winning weapon? How did it compare to German and Western tanks? How did it perform during the war? If we try to answer these questions by looking at actual data then things start to change. Instead of a mechanical marvel we get a poorly designed and built combat system that suffered horrific losses against ‘inferior’ German tanks.

Let’s start with debunking some of the most common statements.

The revolutionary design of the T-34

The T-34 was supposed to be the first tank that employed sloped armor. This characteristic meant that the armor protection was significantly enhanced, compared to straight armor. However French tanks of that period like the SOMUA S35 and the Renault R35 also had sloped armor.

Moreover there were several problems created by the sloped armor in the front, the rear and the back of the vehicle. This choice seriously diminished the interior space of the T-34. Tanks are always crowded on the inside. The T-34 however had a huge problem when it came to interior space.

The limited space not only affected crew performance but turned the T-34 into a deathtrap. A US study from the Korean War (based on the T-34/85 that was roomier than the T-34/76) concluded that due to the limited internal space a penetration by an A/T round usually led to the destruction of the tank and loss of 75% of the crew. In the Sherman the figure was only 18%.


German tanks like the Pz III and Pz IV had a conventional hull design but they also used slope in the middle part of their front hull armor. The new Panther tank was the first German tank to have a fully sloped hull front and sloped sides however the armor layout did not limit interior space like in the T-34.
The turret also suffered from a lack of space. It was so cramped that it affected movement. American experts who examined a T-34 at the Aberdeen testing grounds in 1942 had this to say:

The main weakness is that it is very tight. The Americans couldn't understand how our tankers could fit inside during a winter, when they wear sheepskin jackets

Serious design flaws

Apart from the limited internal space there were two more serious design flaws.

One was the lack of turret basket (a rotating floor that moves as the turret turns) for the loader. This meant that the person loading the shells had to follow the movement of the gun and at the same time keep an eye on the floor so he doesn’t trip on the spent casings.

The other major issue was the two-man turret which forced the commander to also act as the gunner. This drastically limited combat performance as the commander could not focus on leading the tank but instead had to engage targets.

A three-man turret was finally introduced with the T-34/85 in March ’44.

Automotive performance

Christie suspension

The Christie suspension used on the T-34 had the advantage that it allowed for high speeds on road. Its disadvantages were that it took a lot of internal space and it had poor stability in rough terrain.

A German test of tank pitching motion at the Kummersdorf testing facility (1km undulated track) showed that the T-34 had the worst stability compared to the Pz IV, Tiger, Sherman and Panther.




The Christie suspension was a technological dead-end and the Aberdeen evaluation says: ‘The Christie's suspension was tested long time ago by the Americans, and unconditionally rejected’. It was replaced in postwar Soviet tanks with the torsion bar system, same as the T-34M and T43 prototypes intended to replace the T-34 during the war.
 

Problematic gearbox

Another major problem was the unwieldy gearbox. It had poor reliability and it needed excessive force to change gears, leading to driver fatigue. An American study of a captured T-34/85 from Korea noted:

'There is rough steering due to the use of clutch and brake steering control and difficulty in shifting due to the use of a spur gear clash-shift transmission and multi-disc dry-clutch, making driving this tank a difficult and very fatiguing job.’

Initially the powerful V-2 engine (500hp) could not be used to the fullest due to the 4-speed gearbox. Changing gears required excessive force on behalf of the driver. The T-34 could use the 4th gear only on a paved road, thus the max speed over cross-country was theoretically 25 km/h but in practice it was only 15km/h because changing from 2nd gear to 3rd required superhuman strength.

On later modifications there was a 5-speed gearbox which allowed for a cross country speed of 30 km/h.


Powerful gun?

The T-34 had a large caliber gun. The initial version was the L-11 76mm of 30.5 calibers. This was quickly replaced with the F-34 76mm of 42 calibers and the T34/85 had the ZiS S-53 85mm of 54.6 calibers.

The caliber numbers look impressive. After all the main German tank of 1941-43 Pz III had a 50 mm gun and that of 1943-45 Pz IV had 75mm. However Soviet tank guns suffered from low velocity leading to poor penetration and accuracy at long ranges.

For example the initial round velocity (m/s) for the Soviet guns (using the standard A/T round) was:  L-11 - 612, F-34 - 655 (a German test with Pzgr39 ammo showed 625), ZiS S-53 - 792. The comparable German stats were: KwK 38 L/42 - 685, Kwk 39 L/60 - 835, Kwk 40 L/43 - 740, Kwk 40 L/48 - 790, Kwk 42 – 925.


The KwK 40 75mm used by the Pz IV and Stug from mid 1942 had far better penetration performance and accuracy than the F-34 and the Panther’s KwK 42 was also superior to the ZiS S-53 85mm in the same areas.
Lack of radio

Initially only the unit commander’s tank had a radio. In the course of the war radio was used more widely but even in 1944 many tanks lacked a radio set. The lack of radio meant that Soviet tank units operated with little coordination.

Visibility problems

German combat reports show that T-34 tanks had serious difficulties in navigating terrain and identifying targets. The problem was that the vision devices made it hard for the driver and the gunner to see what was happening.


This problem was addressed during the war.
The T-34 ‘1941 version’ lacked the vision cupola found on German tanks. This equipment gave the commander a 360o view of his surroundings. Also the optics were of poor quality.

The T-34 ‘1943 version’ had a larger turret and a German style cupola.
The T-34/85, introduced in March ’44, had a new large turret and the German style cupola.


Reliability problems

The T-34 was supposed to be a simple and rugged vehicle that seldom broke down. Authors like to compare it to the more complex German tanks that supposedly broke down often. The concept of the T-34 as a reliable tank is another myth of WWII.

The majority of vehicles in 1941 were lost due to equipment malfunction. The same reliability problems continued during the period 1942-44. The evacuation and relocation of industrial facilities combined with the loss of skilled workers could only lead to the fall of reliability. 

There were constant problems with the gearbox and the engine filters. The Aberdeen evaluators noted:

On the T-34 the transmission is also very poor. When it was being operated, the cogs completely fell to pieces (on all the cogwheels). A chemical analysis of the cogs on the cogwheels showed that their thermal treatment is very poor and does not in any way meet American standards for such mechanisms.’

The deficiency of our diesels is the criminally poor air cleaners on the T-34. The Americans consider that only a saboteur could have constructed such a device

Apparently the air filter problem was never fixed. A US study of a captured T-34/85 from the Korean War (built in 1945) noted ‘Wholly inadequate engine intake air cleaners could be expected to allow early engine failure due to dust intake and the resulting abrasive wear. Several hundred miles in very dusty operation would probably be accompanied by severe engine power loss.
The mental image of the T-34 travelling hundreds of kilometers without stopping is fantasy.

 
The V-2 engine had serious reliability problems. Depending on the source in 1941 it supposedly lasted for 100 hours on average. This figure went down in 1942 since some T-34’s could not travel more then 30-35 km.
The T-34 tested at the Aberdeen centre was built at the best factory using materials of superior quality but its engine stopped working after 72.5 hours. This was not due to American interference as there was a Soviet mechanic (engineer Matveev) charged with maintaining it. Still it was much better than the standard tanks since it covered a distance of 343km.
According to the head of the Armored Directorate of the Red Army N.Fedorenko, the average mileage of the T-34 to overhaul during the war, did not exceed 200 kilometers. This was considered adequate since the T-34’s service life at the front was considerably less. For example in 1942 only 66km.
In that sense the T-34 was indeed ‘reliable’ because it was destroyed before it had a chance to break down on its own!
Still there are examples of T-34’s breaking down during assaults even late in the war. For instance t
he 5th Guards Tank army in 1943 lost as much as 15% of its tanks during its march to Prokhorovka. In August ’43 the 1st Tank army lost 50% of its tanks due to malfunction. As late as the second half of 1944 tank units tried to replace engines with more than 30 hours of operation before a major attack.




All WWII tanks had a hard time when travelling and they needed repairs and maintenance or they broke down.

There is also the question of standardization. The T-34 was produced at several factories. Each factory produced a slightly different variant. Could spare parts from Nizhny Tagil be used on a T-34 from Gorky? Doubtful.

The cheap T-34

One of the major characteristics of the T-34 was its low cost. This supposedly was the reason the Russians were able to build so many, while the Germans insisted on building expensive and thus limited numbers of tanks. Let’s take a look at these two statements.

Price

The concept of ‘cheap’ or ‘expensive’ has no meaning in a command economy. The reason being that the pricing mechanism is controlled by the government. If Moscow wanted a weapon to cost x amount of roubles it would cost x amount. Command decisions were made at the top and did not take into consideration free market concepts like return on investment, opportunity cost etc etc

The same issues affected, in a lesser way, the German, US and British war economies.

This makes it impossible to directly compare weapon systems by looking at the official prices. In general trying to compare the costs of weapon systems built in different countries under a command economy is very hard and prone to errors. Even using other indicators such as man-hours and input of raw materials can be misleading.

Just to give an example the ‘cheap’ T-34 had an aluminum engine. The Germans with more industrial assets than the SU and significantly higher aluminum production reached the conclusion that they could not provide their own tanks with an aluminum engine. It was simply too costly for them. This shows the different capabilities and priorities that countries have.

A better way is to compare prices of products in the same economy. This shows that the T-34 was much cheaper than the KV-1 and IS-2 tanks.

Also production costs and man-hours went down during the war. In 1941 8.000 man hours were needed to produce one T-34, this was reduced to 3.700 in 1943. Price in rubles went from 430.000 in 1940 to 168.000 in 1944.

Mass Production

The second major issue is whether the mass production of the T-34 was due to its imaginary low cost.

The reality is that the T-34 was built in huge numbers because the SU had built (with American assistance prewar) huge production facilities. These gigantic facilities in the Urals were the reason for the mass production.

The Germans also took advantage of gigantism when they built the Nibelungenwerk factory in Sankt Valentin, Austria. This greatly expanded Pz IV production.

They also built the ‘expensive’ Panther in huge numbers (for their standards) in the period 1943-45. It was not the ‘cost’ of the Panther that allowed them to do so but the industrial assets assigned to it.

The Americans built staggering numbers of M4 tanks in their tank arsenals, not because the M4 was intrinsically cheap but because gigantic facilities were provided for its construction.

Quantity vs quality

When looking into whether a weapon system is cheap or expensive the price is only one factor. The other one and I think the more important one is its performance. Is it better to build 100 cheap tanks or 50 expensive ones? The price difference might be significant but that about the other costs?

100 cheap tanks will need twice the crews and twice the fuel as the 50 expensive ones. They will also need twice the spare parts. If 50 tanks require 25 supply trucks then the 100 will need 50. You get the idea.

Then there is the aspect of losses. A cheap but poorly designed tank system will suffer more losses than an expensive but well armed and armored one. Machines can be mass produced but what about trained crews? A tank force that has limited crew casualties will have many tank aces and even the rest will be able to perform well in combat. On the other hand a country that builds large numbers of inferior tanks will lose them quickly, together with their crews. This will create a downward spiral as inexperienced crews will make up the majority of crews and thus severely limit the capability of the armored force.

The endless stream of T-34 tanks

Another myth is that there were hordes of T-34’s attacking the German formations. A simple look at the Soviet tank strength at various points in the war shows that the T-34 was not the most important tank. The light tanks T-60 and T-70 and the tank-destroyer SU-76 made up the majority of AFV’s in 1941-42 and even in 1943-45 the T-34 comprised roughly half of the Soviet frontline AFV force. In summer 1941 there were only 967 T-34’s in the total strength of 22.000 tanks. For the rest of the war:

Operational forces
AFV
1-Dec-41
1-May-42
1-Nov-42
1-Jul-43
1-Jan-44
1-Jun-44
1-Jan-45
Tanks
Heavy
212
660
922
893
349
467
976
Medium
322
1,291
2,714
5,492
2,609
3,766
6,059
Light
1,393
2,025
3,542
3,447
1,438
1,147
564
Sum
1,927
3,976
7,178
9,832
4,396
5,380
7,599
SPG
Heavy
104
139
314
504
Medium
174
244
152
758
Light
86
523
1,565
3,399
Sum
0
0
0
364
906
2,031
4,661
Total  AFV
1,927
3,976
7,178
10,196
5,302
7,411
12,260
T-34 % of total
0.17
0.32
0.38
0.54
0.49
0.51
0.49




Production and losses during the war

T-34 production and losses
1941
1942
1943
1944
1945
Total
Production
2,800
12,553
15,812
13,949
12,110
57,224
Losses
2,300
6,600
14,700
13,800
7,500
44,900



Just a bit under 45.000 lost during the war! War-winning indeed…

Total Soviet AFV losses in 1941-45 were 96.600. That’s not a typo. Almost one hundred thousand vehicles.

For comparison’s sake a German document posted at AHF lists tank losses in the East from 1941-44 as 15.673 and total AFV losses (tanks, Stug, self-propeled guns etc) as 23.802.



Comparison with German and Western tanks

The German models Tiger and Panther were greatly superior to the T-34 in armor and firepower.

At the other end of the spectrum the outdated models PzI, PzII, Pz35 and Pz38 that were used in numbers in 1941-42 were completely outclassed by it.

The T-34 was superior in mobility as its 500hp engine gave it an excellent power weight ratio. Also its wide tracks minimized ground pressure and allowed movement in soft ground. However its stability over rough terrain was not better than the German tanks.
 
T-34 vs PzIII

The main German tank in the period 1941-43 was the PzIII. It weighed roughly 22 tons and was armed (in that period) with a 50mm gun.

The PzIII made up 28% of German tank strength at the start of operation Barbarossa. Roughly 72% of these had the new 50mm gun, the rest the 37mm. These guns could only penetrate the T-34 from the sides at close ranges while the Soviet tank could destroy the PzIII from long distances from all aspects.

By summer ’42 it made up 51% of German tank strength. At that time it had received a longer 50mm gun that could destroy the T-34 from 500m frontally (with special ammunition). It also received more basic armor (50mm from 30mm) plus 20mm bolted on parts. The extra armor negated the performance of the F-34 at long ranges.

Despite its theoretical inferiority the PzIII was able to fight against the T-34.

What it lacked in armor and firepower it made up by having a better internal layout, better reliability and optics, a commander’s cupola and radio in every vehicle.

It is not clear whether some PzIII models had a turret basket (different authors support different views).

T-34 vs PzIV

The PzIV was the main German tank in the period 1943-45. It weighed 25 tons and was equipped with a 75m caliber gun. During the war it was upgraded with more armor and a better gun.

The PzIV made up 13% of German tank strength at the start of operation Barbarossa. The model used was equipped with a low velocity 75mm gun effective against infantry but not armored targets. From mid 1942 the PzIV was equipped with the longer 75mm gun KwK 40 that could destroy the T-34 from 1.000m. The basic armor was also increased to 50mm (from 30mm) plus 30mm bolted on and in 1943 80mm standard (for the front hull).


The upgraded PzIV was superior to the T-34 in internal layout, firepower, turret basket, optics, commander’s cupola, radio in every vehicle and its frontal hull armor could withstand the F-34 rounds. A Soviet study in 1943 admitted that the Pz IV was superior to their tank, assigning it a combat value of 1.27 to the T-34’s 1.16 (with the Pz III being the base 1.0).

The T-34/85 that appeared in mid 1944 was a harder opponent due to its new gun but the PzIV still had an edge in the ‘soft’ factors mentioned above. Moreover the heavier 85mm rounds limited the number that could be carried to 56 compared to the Pz IV’s standard load out of 87. The 85 mm rounds were not stored in a safe manner since 16 of the 56 rounds were in the turret This allowed the loader to use them quickly but it had the downside that a penetration of the turret led to the explosion of the shells and loss of the tank.
T-34 vs M4 Sherman

The main US tank in 1942-45 was the Sherman. It weighed 30 tons and was armed with a 75mm gun. The late war version M4 76 had a more powerful 76mm high velocity gun.

There are many similarities between the T-34 and the M-4 Sherman. Both tanks were built in huge numbers and they are comparable in weight and gun caliber. Even their updated version T-34/85 and M4 76mm are very close.

As a weapon system however the M4 was superior. It had the same good ‘soft’ qualities as the German tanks (internal layout, optics, radio), It had significantly better stability over rough terrain plus it was very reliable mechanically. In armor and firepower it was the same as the T-34.

Conclusion

The T-34 is the victim of Soviet and German wartime propaganda. The Russians had every reason to build it up as the best tank of WWII. The Germans also overstated its performance in order to explain their defeats.

If the T-34 was as good as propaganda made it out to be then it should have led to great Soviet victories in 1941-42. Instead what we see in that period is the poor performance of Soviet armored formations. In 1943-45 the T-34 was becoming outdated as the Germans used updated versions of the Pz IV and Stug III equipped with the powerful Kwk 40 75mm gun and of course they introduced the Tiger and Panther.

The ‘best tank of WWII’ suffered horrific losses against those tanks and even the updated version T-34/85 could not bridge the gap.



The T-34 looked good on paper but in the battlefield its ‘soft’ flaws led to huge losses. Meanwhile Western tanks like the M4 Sherman and Pz IV may have lacked sloped armor or wide tracks but they were better combat systems overall.

Effect in the design of postwar Soviet tanks

Postwar Soviet tanks like the T-55, T-62, T-64, T-72 and T-80 all followed the same design principles as the T-34:

1.     Very low profile which meant limited internal space and poor gun depression.

2.     Limited weight which led to good speed performance but put limits on the level of armor protection.

3.     Simple and rugged construction which meant that they were capable of being mass produced by Soviet factories but at the expense of crew comfort.

Soviet models from the T-64 onwards tried to deal with the limited internal space by automating the ammo loading operation. However their autoloader was problematic and often led to accidents.

Western models like the M-48, M-60 and Centurion were taller and heavier but they provided their crews with a better environment. They also carried more ammunition (25%-51% more).

On paper the Soviet types looked superior but on the field it was the US and British types that won the battles. During the wars between Israel and the Arabs small numbers of Western made tanks wiped out numerically superior Arab forces equipped with the T-55 and T-62 tanks.

One of the most famous episodes is the Battle of the Golan heights in 1973. The Israeli Centurion tanks of the 7th Brigade faced a huge Syrian force but managed to inflict horrific losses on them as they tried to overcome the tank barrier. The Centurion was much heavier (52t) than the T-55 and T-62 (36-40t) and powerfully armed and armored. It also carried 51% (65 vs 43) more ammo.

That battle was a repeat of WWII when the T-34’s charged the field only to be slaughtered by German tanks from a distance.



The performance of the T-72 which was supposed to be the tank that would win a hot war for the Russians was similar. In the Gulf Wars Iraqi T-72’s were easily destroyed by modern M1 Abrams tanks from great distances. As Tom Clancy put it ‘It was a death trap like everything else the Russians built’.

The T-34 legacy led the Russians to invest in quantity over quality. A mistake that their Allies paid dearly.

Sources:T-34: Mythical Weapon’ by Michulec and Zientarzewski, ‘T-34/76 Medium Tank 1941-45’ , ‘T-34/85 Medium Tank 1944-45’ and ‘T-34-85 vs M26 Pershing’ by Steven J. Zaloga, Tankovy udar. Sovetskie tanki v boyakh. 1942-1943', Panzertruppen vol1 and vol2 by Jentz, Panther & Its Variants by Spielberger, Evaluation of tanks T-34 and KV by workers of the Aberdeen testing grounds of the U.S , operationbarbarossa.net , ‘Accounting for War: Soviet Production, Employment, and the Defense Burden, 1940-1945’, ‘Kursk 1943: A Statistical Analysis’, Axis History Forum, Wikipedia, ‘Soviet Casualties and Combat Losses in the Twentieth Century’
 
 
 
Pics: Kummersdorf test from ‘Panther & Its Variants’, destroyed T-34 pics from ‘T-34: Mythical Weapon’.